Are NGOs Playing A Part In Prolonging Rohingya Repatriation? by Syeda Samshun Nahar

A piece of news has been on social media since May 6 that 23 Rohingya people belonging to four families in Cox’s Bazar have no longer received food aid from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Within the framework of the pilot repatriation program for Rohingyas, these 23 individuals from four families intend to return to their homes in Myanmar. Ever since the morning of that day, they had not been given any food.

Queries have been raised regarding the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) supervising Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar in light of the UNHCR’s reckless behavior. There arises a general question in the public’s understanding that NGOs in Rohingya camps are deliberately postponing the repatriation program. Are they uninterested in the repatriation of the persecuted population?

The Rohingya people have been subjected to discriminatory legislation since Myanmar’s independence from Britain. Myanmar, a Buddhist-Bamar hegemonic country, implemented policies that include citizenship requirements that were passed in 1982, expressly excluding Rohingya Muslim people from the other 135 ethnic minorities because of their religion. As a result, they have been persecuted for several decades. Myanmar’s army launched a brutal assault on Rohingya Muslims in August of 2017, forcing hundreds of thousands to escape over the border into Bangladesh.

The Rohingya situation in Rakhine State of Myanmar is rapidly becoming the world’s greatest and most urgent refugee crisis. In May of 2023, it is estimated that over 1.2 million Rohingya are currently sheltered in Bangladesh. The government of Myanmar has come under heavy criticism for its persistent violation of human rights and international humanitarian law.

The Rohingya people’s condition has deteriorated dramatically during the last several years. The Rohingya repatriation process has remained in dark shadows since the military seized power in 2021. But by the effort of Chinese mediation, the junta administration recently showed interest in the Rohingya issue. Previously, a pair of negotiations with the Myanmar government to repatriate displaced Rohingya in 2018 and 2019 for repatriations failed because Rohingya people refused to return due to fears of violence.

On March 16 of this year, a group of 17 Myanmar officials arrived in Bangladesh to look over the records of Rohingya refugees who had been repatriated to their country as part of the repatriation program. In another positive development, on May 5, a group of 20 Rohingya and seven Bangladeshi government officials traveled to two out of 15 villages in Rakhine state at the invitation of the Myanmar government.

It has been six years since a delegation of Rohingya refugees has been to Rakhine to take inventory of the situation there. After visiting Rakhine, they claimed that they only want to go back permanently when a long-lasting remedy to the recurring atrocities the community has experienced be ensured. They also want to be provided safety and to obtain citizenship. The trip in May was seen as a “confidence-building measure” for the Rohingya’s voluntary return home.

For the last six years, Bangladesh has provided shelter to more than 1.2 million Rohingya refugees. The enormous influx of refugees has worsened the country’s economic and security conditions. Repatriation, a contentious topic for the previous six years, now seems to be the only viable choice.

While Bangladesh and Myanmar are drafting their returnee lists and assisting the repatriation, NGOs have expressed concern regarding the initiative. Their biggest concern is that conditions in Rakhine are not safe enough to repatriate Rohingya people. They are also denouncing the junta and calling the proposal “eyewash.” A number of notable NGOs, such as UNHCR and HRW, have already issued comments clarifying their position on the initiative. They urge Bangladesh to immediately stop the program.

One may wonder, however, why the Rohingya repatriation program has been suspended for both 2018 and 2019, while Myanmar was governed by a democratic government!

There is no doubt that NGOs play an important role in bridging the disparities in humanitarian aid, safeguarding the civil rights of displaced Rohingyas, and making sure Rohingya camps have access to necessary services and support. Their presence is invaluable to alleviating the hardships of the population that has been displaced and pressing for longer-term solutions to the Rohingya problem. But some of their activities are suspicious.

Several NGOs have been advocating for the Rohingya to be recognized as refugees. While international law recognizes the Rohingya as refugees, the Bangladesh government does not. However, because of this, the government of Bangladesh has designated the Rohingya as “Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Citizens.”

It should be mentioned that Bangladesh is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention. If the Rohingya were granted refugee status, repatriation to Myanmar would be an exhausting procedure. In addition, if they are considered refugees, the government will be obligated to protect their basic needs. The flood of Rohingya is placing further strain on the government of Bangladesh, which is already struggling to supply the nutritional demands of its population of 170 million. Against this backdrop, the government spends $1.2 billion USD annually for hosting the Rohingyas annually.

Currently, there are 189 NGOs, including 55 from abroad, have been granted permission to work in Rohingya refugee camps. In 2019, the government of Bangladesh prohibited 41 NGOs from operating in Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar for encouraging Rohingyas and breaking the rules and regulations of their activity.

Since the commencement of the Rohingya crisis in 2017, there have been allegations of the stealing of billions of dollars and suspicious activities by NGOs. Furthermore, some NGOs have been blamed for obstructing the safe return of Rohingya refugees to their home country. Considering this, they understand that their billions in illegal advantages and lavish lifestyles would come to an end if the Rohingya issue is addressed or the Rohingyas are allowed to repatriate, the NGOs have taken to a new strategy to prolong the situation.

It is claimed that the Rohingyas use huge sums of money and weapons to engage in anti-national actions such as lawbreaking, drug-trafficking, smuggling. In light of allegations that it supplied indigenous weapons to the Rohingyas, the Bangladesh NGO Bureau has ordered the suspension of the NGO named Mukti.

Despite governmental restriction, BRAC, a renowned NGO, had engaged a contractor to clear forest slopes for cultivation and to build roads for the purpose of building a new Rohingya camp in 2019. While some NGOs have been accused of using funds to convert the Christian religion to the Muslim Rohingya people.

In conclusion, I intend to make the point that the only realistic approach in resolving the Rohingya crisis is to facilitate the safe return of the Rohingya people to their own country. Instead of just pressuring Bangladesh, NGOs ought to dispatch workers to Rakhine to investigate the situation there. They need to keep up the pressure on Myanmar’s government to guarantee the safe repatriation of the Rohingya, give citizenship to all of them, and assist Bangladesh in facilitating the peaceful repatriation of the forcefully displaced Rohingyas.

*The writer is a PhD student of Politics and International Relations at the University Of Glasgow, Scotland.

June 23, 2023

The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints and editorial policies of Aequitas Review.

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